Syllable onsets as a factor in stress rules

Abstract

One of the common assumptions of standard metrical phonology (Hayes 1981) is that rules of stress placement do not refer to the weight or nature of syllable onsets. This is most clearly stated in Halle & Vergnaud (1980:93): ‘in all languages known to us, stress assignment rules are sensitive to the structure of the syllable rime, but disregard completely the character of the onset’. This assumption has been attacked by both Davis (1982, 1985a, b) and Everett & Everett (1984). These researchers have pointed to a number of languages which seem to have stress-placement rules that are sensitive to the nature of the syllable onset. For example, Davis (1985a, b) notes that Western Aranda (an Arandic language of Australia) has a stress rule that places main stress on the initial syllable if it begins with a consonant; otherwise stress falls on the second syllable. However, if the word is bisyllabic, stress must fall on the initial syllable, since final syllables are always extrametrical.