Cycles, Non-Derived-Environment Blocking, and Correspondence

Abstract

Abstract The notion of morphologically ‘derived’ environment plays a role in phonology in two different ways. In some cases the phonology ‘misapplies’ precisely in those environments, as in the celebrated example cond[ e] ns-ation (Chomsky and Halle 1968), where the bracketed vowel is unreduced despite its lack of stress, in contrast to morphologically underived hápp[a]n, where reduction occurs as expected. In other cases one finds the opposite situation, in which the phonology misapplies to underived environments, as in v[áy] tamin or sén[ay] le, where a certain vowel shortening does not occur, in contrast to derived sen[í]l-ity, where it does.